Racism not Race: Trauma and the Black Community
Racism not Race.
Trauma and the Black Community
By: Nida Javed
It was the day after President Obama informed the world “The United States has conducted an operation that killed Osama bin Laden.” Statuses on facebook changed at the speed of light; some reflected on patriotic sentiments, and others questioned the United States’ future in the Middle East. One status, however, was deviant from the norm. It read: “Proof that Obama IS black…he finally killed someone!” This status was ‘liked’ by seven people.
If I was to ask any of these eight people the blatant question, “Are you racist,” my bet is that the unanimous answer would be “no.” Yet there is a racist framework that the status is referencing. And this framework seems to suggest that being Black means possessing a killer gene. There has been much contention in the media since President Obama’s election regarding whether he is truly the first “Black” president since he is half White, as Reverend Dyson humorously put in his talk at Boston College in 2011:“we [Blacks] can’t even get a whole President! We only get half!” The facebook status suggests that by carrying out an operation to kill a terrorist, President Obama has finally put the issue to rest regarding his race since only a Black man would kill someone. Such behavior would be out of the norm for a White man.
Racism not Race: Overview
The mainstream American society puts enormous weight on the concept of “race.” There are prevalent misconceptions that the larger public, regardless of education level or economic background, possesses about race. There is this idea that a whole “race” is programmed to adhere to certain stereotypes: She is smart because she is Asian; He dropped out of high school because he is Black.
In this paper, I argue that race is not a reality, but rather a social construct. What is a reality, however, is racism. America’s long and complicated history with racism toward African Americans has resulted in a society that is far from equal and alive with prejudices and injustices. But the traditional definition of trauma, as noted by Spanierman and Poteat (2005), states that racist incidents are more in line with the notion of trauma only when they “are overt and distinct events experienced directly by an individual” (Bryant-Davis and Ocampo 2005:574). In this paper, I explore the question ‘what is trauma?’ I argue that covert racism and institutionalized racism compound the trauma suffered by Black females who are victims of either domestic violence or sexual assault where the perpetrator is a Black man. In addition, I hope to highlight that these additional traumas of domestic violence and sexual assault actually display on a silver platter the trauma the community suffers from institutionalized racism. Moreover, I use the guiding question ‘Is trauma primarily a personal or social phenomenon?’ to explore how racism relates to trauma in the Black community.
Racism, not Race: A History
Race is a socially constructed reality. In fact, “the concept of race itself is a product of a racist world view” (Bryant-Davis and Ocampo 2005:577). In the sixteenth century when Europeans arrived in Africa, they coined the term “Black” which was “used to describe the dark complexion of Africans” thus solidifying “the image of Africans as the other” (McGruder 2010:104). Science sought to explain racial differences between non-Europeans and the “others” thus establishing racial superiority. An example is the European assessment of African sexuality as wild and uncontrollable due to the lack of clothing worn by the Africans—because naturally, limited apparel had to mean “lack of modesty rather than a concession to the tropical climate” (McGruder 2010:104). Conclusions were drawn that the African’s wild sexual appetites made sense as there is both a physical and biological link between Africans and the wild animals of Africa—especially the ape (McGruder 2010).
One must not be under the misconception that such links between race and racism are a thing of the past. A mainstream example that may seem insignificant is that a substantial majority in America refers to all Blacks as “African Americans.” While there are a plethora of excuses out there as to why this is the case, it does not change the fact that we assign a continent to all people if they portray a certain skin color ignoring the fact that they may be Haitian American, Jamaican, or that there family has been in America for so long that they are just from Detroit with no connection to Africa. But God forbid there be a suggestion out there that someone who looks anything other than White may be just American without a qualifier in front.
Calling all Blacks ‘African Americans’ also has real life consequences in breading ignorance. Bvonstyle.com featured Naomi Campbell’s spread “Wild Things” where she is shown running with the cheetah in a cheetah print-barely-there-outfit, jumping ropes with a monkey, and riding a crocodile and an elephant. A commenter on the website posted the following comment: “How can photographs of a beautiful black woman in her beautiful homeland be considered offensive to black people?” (Donna 2009). The fact that Campbell’s “beautiful homeland” happens to be London, England is a trivial fact when our society repeatedly informs us that if you are Black, you are African. This is a prime example of the “otherness” that the Black community faces in America in the 21st century. They are never seen as from here (Europe, America).
So race is not a reality. Biologically, Naomi Campbell is not genetically different from Kate Middleton, the future Queen of Britain. Neither is she nationally different from any white woman from London, England. Yet racism gives credibility to the socially constructed concept of race which encourages us to believe that she is different because of her skin color. It is the ultimate “unreality of race; reality of racism” (Bryant-Davis, Ocampo 2008:577).
Racism not Race: Power and Oppression
Covert racist incidents and institutionalized racism create the social backdrop against which people of color must function day to day (Bryant-Davis, Ocampo 2008). When studying domestic violence, Anderson and Collins (2001) “distinguish a structural approach as requiring ‘analysis and criticism of existing systems of power and privilege; otherwise, understanding diversity becomes just one more privilege” for those with the resources and power (Sokoloff and Dupont 2005:39). The traditional feminist approach to domestic violence has been to focus on the common experiences of the victims as to create solidarity among the women thus forging a strong feminist movement to end woman abuse (Sokoloff and Dupont 2005). But considering that poor women of color are most likely to be in dangerous intimate relationships and dangerous social positions, there should be a push toward giving women who have been marginalized by the white middle class feminist movement a voice (Sokoloff and Dupont 2005). A look into structures of power and oppression is tremendously important as “regardless of where they live, African Americans live in the shadow of a history of segregation and hostility from a dominant white culture that even the poorest whites never experience” (Benson et al. 2000:339).
The intersections of power and oppression have serious consequences for the victims of domestic violence and sexual assault. For example, a Black woman may fear calling the police because if her perpetrator is also black, it will subject him to a racist treatment by the criminal justice system, not to mention confirm stereotypes of Blacks as violent (Sokoloff and Dupoint 2005).
Before I address the affect of trauma of racism on a victim of interracial assault, let’s look behind the trauma of a racist criminal justice system on the Black community. Tim Wise, a prominent White antiracist activist, stated in his talk at Boston College in 2011 that he worked as a community organizer for the public housing project in New Orleans in the mid 90s for fifteen month. He says that he saw fewer drugs in the fifteen months in public housing than on a typical weekend in his room in Tulane University. However, 52 percent of the people in correctional facilities for drug offenses are Black; Among federal prisoners, Black men account for 42 percent of those incarcerated on drug offenses. Blacks account for 62.7 percent of all drug offenders admitted in prison yet Blacks only comprise about 13 percent of all regular drug users in the United States! (Stephans 2010). Furthermore, it is estimated that there are five times as many White drug users as Black, but Black men are admitted to state prison for drug offenses at a rate 13.4 times greater than that of White men (Stephans 2010).
The creation of drug free zones was even more detrimental to the relationship between Black men, drugs, and prison because research shows that the zones tend to disproportionately impact urban and mainly Black communities (Stephan 2010). Overall, thirty-three percent of Black males between ages twenty and twenty-nine were either in jail, prison, or parole in 1995. Ten percent of all the Black males in their twenties and early thirties are in prison or jail (Stephan 2010). When these individuals are released and returned to their communities, they have a hard time merging with the mainstream society. Prison reintegration is hugely poblamatic given that the prisoners have spent long terms behind bars and are ill prepared for life outside of prison. Moreover, they have difficulty obtaining and sustaining employment and reconnecting with their families (Stephans 2010). So it isn’t hard to see why Black communities are unwilling to turn in their men to the prison system. Once they go in, there is a good chance they will go back again for repeat offenses considering the lack of adequate integration systems.
Looking back in history, before the death penalty for rape was ruled unconstitutional in 1977, African American males were eighteen times more likely to be sentenced to death than the white men who were accused of committing rape (Holzman 1996). Even today, African American men accused of rape are far more likely to be arrested, convicted, and receive longer sentences than white men (Holzman 1996). Hence, there is a pressure on Black women who are raped by Black men to not turn them into the racial criminal justice system. Because for a Black woman, the trauma of racism is ever prevalent even when her own trauma of sexual assault is consuming her.
In “Dangerous Profiling” the authors argue, “these self regulating and self-policing policies create unhealthy and unnecessary boundaries of Blackness. As Black people try to uphold ‘purity’ and ‘morality,’ stigma becomes the central concern rather than the material effects of pain and suffering” (Tapia et al. 2005:134). While the authors are actually speaking of the relationship of HIV/AIDS with the Black community, the sentiment can be applied to the trauma of women in the Black community who have been victims of domestic violence or sexual assault. There is an understandable pull that the victims feel to protect their Black men. Instead of becoming a victim v. perpetrator battle, the female victim has to place her trauma within the context of Black v. White racial tensions.
Just as domestic violence relationships in a homosexual relationship must be viewed under the lens of a larger trauma of homophobia within our society, a domestic violence relationship in the Black community must be looked through the context of racism. Partners in lesbian relationships fear leaving the abusive relationships because they are afraid of facing negative responses by police, family members, religious institutions, social services, or battered women’s organizations (Sokoloff and Dupoint 2005). Similarly, women of color fear the responses of their communities and family members if they report their partner.
If Black women are able to overcome societal pressures, there is another confounding challenge facing them. The media is a socializing agent that shapes perceptions of a group’s behavior (Tatum 2010). People who are not part of, nor interact with, a particular group are likely to conceive notions about that particular group based on media’s portrayal (Tatum, 2005). The media hyper sexualizes Black women, thus leading the public to perceive them as promiscuous and wild sexualized beings. Moreover, African American women went through massive sexual exploitation under slavery; Slave owners had unlimited access to the female slaves and justified their exploitations by characterizing African American women as sexually promiscuous (Holzzman 1996). Thus, if a Black woman manages to convince the police that she is in fact a victim of domestic abuse/sexual assault (here she has to fight the stereotype that Black women are aggressive and that they are willing participants and prostitutes) she has to face a jury who is under a pre conceived notion that Black women are overly sexual. Since a woman’s sexual past is often used to establish credibility, the jurors and the larger public are far less likely to believe that the victim wasn’t “asking” for it. (McGuffey 2005). Stereotypical images are not something that a White victim of abuse has to consider. But if a stereotype exists about Black women, then it sticks to every single Black woman. While sociologists continue to reject the assumption that sexuality is biological, the “psuedoscientists” of the sixteenth century and the racism prevalent in our society has managed to overpower their research (Lee 2010)
The relationship of power and privilege with race creates disadvantages for the victims of violence in the Black community. It impedes their ability to get help because they constantly have to see their trauma within the social context of their race and gender. So to say that only overt racism is traumatic whereas stereotypes, institutionalized racism, and covert racism cannot be included in the traditional definition of trauma is not valid.
Racism not Race: The Pathology of White Privilege
The mainstream feminist movement suggests that domestic violence affects all women equally (Sokoloff and Dupoint 2005). But the fact remains that there is considerable empirical evidence to suggest that the most severe and lethal domestic violence does occur disproportionately in low-income women of color (Sokoloff and Dupoint 2005).
While the mainstream feminist movement attempts to create solidarity among all victims regardless of race, there is a certain perception through which White Americans view domestic violence that occurs within communities of color. When the victim of domestic violence is White, the immediate blame is laid on the perpetrator. When thinking objectively, it makes sense that the person to blame in a domestically violent relationship is the violent partner. So then why is it that when domestic violence occurs in communities of color, the White community lays instant blame on the culture rather than on the perpetrator? In cases of heterosexual domestic violence, Razack (1998) aptly asserts: “The fact that violence in immigrant communities is viewed as a cultural attribute rather than the product of male domination that is inextricably bound up with racism” (Sokoloff and Dupont 2005:47). Throughout this paper, I have mentioned at many points that women of color are disproportionately affected by severe domestic violence. Just re-iterating that fact is furthering the stereotype if the mainstream reads it non-critically. The implication the general public picks up on the statistics is that if they have more violence in their community than we do in ours therefore there must be something wrong with them. What is neglected is the need to look at these statistics through structural frameworks. For instance, many studies on intimate partner violence have found that if socioeconomic factors are controlled, then racial and ethnic differences in the rate of domestic violence largely disappear (Sokoloff and Dupoint 2005). So when we look at the disproportionate level of domestic violence in the Black community, it is crucial to ask why? Let’s work backwards: If a low socioeconomic factor is a strong indicator of the prevalence of domestic violence in a community, then that means that race is not as important a factor as socioeconomic status perhaps. But wait—Classism and Racism are interlinked. There is high and extreme levels of poverty in the Black community, thus, domestic violence is strong in the Black community but not because the community is Black but rather because the community is poor.
Well, now the argument for race comes in stating that since people of color are disproportionately poor, it must be because they don’t work hard. So if people of color have higher domestic violence rates, it is their own fault because if they worked hard enough, they wouldn’t be in the socioeconomic category that puts them at risk for high rates of violence. In his essay “A bad year for white whine: College Scholarships and the cult of Caucasian victimhood,” Tim Wise defends scholarships given on the bases of race, and his argument has some hold on this domestic violence question as well. Wise says that the “special” scholarships and opportunities are not given to people of color because they are people of color. A skin color or the concept of race does not qualify anyone for special merit or awards. But rather, these special scholarships are there “because to be a person of color has meant something in this country, and continues to mean something in terms of one’s access to full and equal opportunity” (Wise 2010). Because race has been the foundation of oppression, these scholarships (and one could even argue, affirmative action) are based on recognition of racism and how it shapes the opportunities that people of color have.
Specific cases of violence in communities of color are not conceptualized as reflecting individual behavior. Rather the entire racial group is stereotyped (Sokoloff and Dupont 2005). Many White Americans presume that other cultures are far more accepting of woman abuse than the United States culture—American mainstream society believes that female abuse is limited to minority communities (Sokoloff and Dupont 2005). To illustrate, consider the Bush Administration’s rhetoric on women’s rights after September 11th. The rhetoric to use women’s rights as a framework to invade Afghanistan suggested that the feminist movement at home is done but “those” women who aren’t allowed to wear nail polish, and can’t attend schools, those are the women we need to help (Ferguson 2005). This appeal to the idea of the white man’s burden promotes superiority within the mainstream. The idea behind contributing violence to culture is to establish it as the problem of the “other.”
The privileged race, i.e. the White race, does not have to think about the their trauma in the context of race. If a White woman reports her White partner to the police for domestic violence, she does not have to worry about their issues sticking to the entire White population. But when a Black man attacks a Black woman, she has to cognitively deal with the guilt and fear that comes with considering the possibility of turning in her perpetrator. Because when she reports a case that involves a Black man, their issues stick to everyone else who is Black.
I leave this section in the hands of Almeida and Dolan-Delvecchio (1999) who argued against the biases that the Whites have of people from different cultures:
wife battering is not culture; dowries, wife burning, and female infanticide are not culture; the forced use of purdah or veiling for women are not culture; foot binding and the practice of concubines among the Chinese are not culture. These are traditional patriarchal customs that men have practiced, and women have accepted, for generations (Sokoloff and Dupont 2005:47).
Racism not Race: Intimate Partner Violence in Interracial Relationships
Studying intimate partner violence in interracial relationships can shed new light on the issue of race and domestic violence. A study conducted by Hattery and Smith results in a very intriguing finding: White and African American men are equally violent, but their rates of engaging in physical intimate partner violence are shaped by the race of their intimate partners. (2009). In order to understand this more, we must look at the data analyzed. Firstly, their data suggests that race does not shape the amount of IPV(Intimate Partner Violence)—25% of all men and women regardless of race either received or perpetrated IPV (Hattery and Smith 2009). What is dependent on race, however, is the type of physical violence perpetrated. The race of the victim is the determinant. African American women report substantially higher rates of near lethal violence than White women, even though there are fewer significant differences in the types of violence that the men of both races report perpetrating (Hattery and Smith 2009). In effect, the race of the victim is the indicator for the severity of IPV that is conducted in interracial relationships.
African American men perpetrate violence two to four times more when they are in interracial relationships than when they are in intraracial relationships whereas it is the reverse for White men; there is almost no instances of physical IPV reported in relationships between White men and African American women (Hattery and Smith 2009).
In America, masculinity is a socially constructed phenomenon based on three key concepts: breadwinning, sexual prowess, and physical strength (Hattery and Smith 2009). In a relationship of a White man and a Black woman, the White man has no need to assert masculinity over the Black woman. Their gendered roles are in line with their racial hierarchy: White man on top of the totem pole and Black woman at the bottom. When the relationship, however, is between a Black man and a White woman, the need to assert power and masculinity over the woman is crucial because the power roles are not in line anymore. The White woman because of her racial superiority in society is able to find and get better jobs than her Black partner (Hattery and Smith 2009). Furthermore, the image of Black women as aggressive, resilient, and immune to violence throws off the power structure in the relationship (Sokoloff and Dupont 2005). So the Black man needs to assert his masculinity on the White woman by inflicting violence.
“What is particularly interesting about the use of violence to create and reinforce power is that the batterer believes that his female partner is the cause of the power imbalance, when as sociologists we note that is the inequality regimes of patriarchy and racial superiority that create power and inequality in the first place” (Hattery and Smith, 2009:82). This is in line with the theme of this paper: racism not race. I can not emphasize enough that I am not trying to take blame away from individual perpetrators and lay it on society. Every individual perpetrator is responsible for the violence, abuse, and rape he/she administers. But overwhelming data and research says that racism is a significant factor in domestic violence and sexual abuse. You want to overpower those who you feel do not deserve the power they have over you. When society tells you that a man should be more powerful than a woman, but you are a Black man in a relationship where your White female partner can get a job and you can’t because of her race, you feel that power balance shifted. Thus, perhaps, you assert your masculinity through violence. It isn’t about race. It is about racism. It is about the social construction of power and oppression based on this concept of race. It is the differences in structural environments that actually drive the race/crime relationship (Benson et al. 2004).
Racism not Race: Re-victimization of the victim
The stories of rape, natural disasters, plane crashes, robberies, sexual abuse, etc. are not hidden from society; in fact, such traumatic events are what makes headlines. Human beings, however, have a tendency to disassociate themselves from such “impossibilities” hence explaining the infamous admission “I never thought it could happen to me.” We assume that bad things don’t just happen; they happen in accordance with certain principles which we are protected from under our “illusion of invulnerability” (Janoff-Bulman 1992). Research on trauma shows that the victim’s interpretation of the situations determine how they respond (McGuffey 2010). When the trauma is one inflicted on a Black woman by a Black man, the victim interprets how to respond to the trauma based on what she interprets her first priorities to be. Do I turn him in and let the “White folk” have another Black man to lock up, or do I stay silent?
When a woman is a Black rape victim in a society that is so distinctly marked by racism and racial hierarchies, she has to deal with the stigma that comes with being who society has said she is. Violence in the Black community has historically been depicted as a public act with lynching and police brutality being main examples (McGuffey 2010). Considering that these public acts are usually linked to Black males, then Black females take a back seat when it comes to representations in society as victims of violence. Now consider who the domestic violence or sexual assault models are in society. The mainstream feminist movement consists of white middle class women and till today, that image is vastly prevalent. This evidently means that Black women have no representation in society as victims of violence. On the contrary, we see them as overaggressive sexual beings.
Research suggests that Black survivors attempt to protect their communities through silence. Calling attention to a Black man’s crime would be considered traitorous and so the survivors are forced to suffer their trauma alone (McGuffey 2010). This is the process where racism leads to further trauma by re-victimizing the victim. She is already a woman. She is already Black. She has to deal with being raped. But now, because of covert and institutionalized racism, she also can’t prosecute the perpetrator, neither can she talk about her trauma. On the contrary, she almost has to live with the idea that she is protecting her rapist because of the larger struggle with race in our society. In fact, only when Black women are the victims of White men do Black organizations and politicians take notice (McGuffey 2010). The reason is voiced by Tamaria in her belief that Blacks as a community have to keep the rape and violence going on in the community on the low because then it keeps the Black culture clean and thus does not make Black folk look bad in front of the White folk (McGuffey 2010). Again, it is clear that the trauma doesn’t have to do with race itself. She is not saying that Black men are more likely to rape women or that they tend to rape women more and Black communities have to hide that fact from the White communities. What she is implying is the long history of racial tension between the two groups where Whites have a record of lynching, imprisoning, killing, and incarcerating Black men the first chance they get. This is not to mention that media and general societal structures re-enforce in the mainstream society’s mind that being Black is somehow being bad. The stereotypes, which by the way exist and are affirmed through racialized institutions, suggest that Black men do drugs, they don’t marry or settle, don’t do well in school, and essentially are the ‘other.’ So for a Black woman, her job may be to keep the community’s image from getting any more tainted. However, isn’t it ironic that Black men are imprisoned for minor drug violations because of the racism in the criminal justice system yet the men who are truly violent or are really rapists continue to inflict harm on society because Black women are scared of turning them in as not to further perpetuate the stereotypes and put even more Black men in prison?
Young Black women are also less likely to report abuse by Black men than by men of other races (McGuffey 2010). The Black community recognizes the unfairness of the criminal justice system. The silence of young Black women when it comes to abuse by Black men demonstrates the worry in the Black community about legally pressing charges against Black men knowing how they are treated in the criminal justice system with comparison to their White counterparts (McGuffey 2010).
Considering that this particular reason for silence does not transcend to the White victims, the inferences can be drawn that it is about race and that Black women do not want to turn in their perpetrators because they want to stay loyal to their race. Problem is, this is not a loyalty that would have formed had it not been for racism. Firstly, if not for racism, the race of “Black” would not have been created. But more than that, if every activity of a person of color was not immediately attached to the entire race, people of color would not have such strong loyalties to protect their race.
Racism not Race: Trauma
Dictionary.com defines trauma as “a deeply distressing or disturbing experience.” Racism is a deeply distressing or disturbing experience. To live in the United States as a marginalized community means going through deeply distressing and disturbing experiences on a daily basis. “Cultural Trauma occurs when members of a collectivity feel they have been subjected to a horrendous event that leaves inedible marks upon their group consciousness, marking their memories forever and changing their future identity in fundamental and irrevocable ways” (Alexander et al. 2004: 1). This theoretical concept defines the trauma suffered by the Black community in America; except there isn’t one horrendous event that has left this trauma but a series of horrendous events from slavery to the institutionalized racism of today.
So when an interpersonal trauma such as domestic violence or sexual assault occurs in a community already experiencing cultural trauma, trauma becomes more a social phenomenon than a personal phenomenon. When rules and pressures of a society based on racism inhibits women traumatized by violence from getting help, then the trauma is social. When people are allowed to question the American citizenship of the President of the United States of America and the lunatics’ “concerns” are actually given validity in the media (which, incidentally, would never happen was the President White), then we live in a nation that continuously makes trauma a social phenomenon and not a personal one. Because racism tells leads society to draw the conclusion that the legitimacy of the President is hardly what is being questioned in the above scenario. Rather, what is being brought under scrutiny is the citizenship of the Black population.
References
Janoff-Bulman, Ronnie 1992. “Trauma and the Terror of Our Own Fragility.” Chapter 3in Shattered Assumptions: Toward a New Psychology of Trauma. New York: The Free Press
Bryant-Davis, Thema and Carlota Ocampo. 2005. “The Trauma of Racism.” The Counseling Psychologist 33(4): 574-578
Alexander, Jeffrey. 2004. “Toward a Theory of Cultural Trauma.” In Cultural Trauma and Collective Identity, edited by Jeffrey Alexander, Ron Eyerman, Bernhard Giesen, Neil Smelser, and Piotr Sztompka. Calfiornia: University of California Pres.
Potter, Hillary. 2007. “The Need for a Multi-Faceted Response to Intimate Partner Abuse Perpetuated by African Americans.” Criminology and Public Policy 6(2): 367-376
Sokoloff, Natalie and Ida Dupont. 2005. “Domestic Violence at the Intersections of Race, Class, and Gender: Challenges and Contributions to Understanding Violence Against Margianalized Women in Diverse Communities.” Violence Against Women 11(1):38-64
Benson, Michael, John Wooldredge, Amy Thistlethwaite, and Greer Litton Fox. 2004. “The Correlation between Race and Domestic Violence is Confounded with Community Context.” Social Problems 51(3): 326-342
Hotzman, Clare. 1996. “Counseling Adult Women Rape Survivors: Issues of Race, Ethnicity, and Class.” Women and Therapy 19(2): 47-62
McGuffey, C. Shawn. 2010. “Blacks and Racial Appraisals: Gender, Race, and Intra-racial Rape” In Black Sexualities: Probing Powers, Passions, Practices and Policies, edited by Juan Battle and Sandra Barnes. Rutgers University Press.
Ferguson, Michaele. 2005. ‘W’ Stands for Women: Feminism and Security Rhetoric in the Post-9/11 Bush Administration.” Politics and Gender 1(March): 1-31
McGruder, Kevin. 2010. “Pathologizing Black Sexuality: The U.S. Experience.” Pp. 101 – 118 in Black Sexualities: Probing Powers, Passions, Practices, and Policies. Edited by Juan Battle and Sandra Barnes. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers.
Tapia, Ruby, McCune Jeffrey, and Brody, Jennifer Devere. 2010. “Dangerous Profiling.” Pp 119-137 in Black Sexualities: Probing Powers, Passions, Practices, and Policies. Edited by Juan Battle and Sandra Barnes. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers.
Stephens, Torrance. 2010. “Prison, Crime, and Sexual Health in the United States” Pp 173-184 in Black Sexualities: Probing Powers, Passions, Practices, and Policies. Edited by Juan Battle and Sandra Barnes. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers.
Hattery, Angela and Earl Smith. 2009. “Race and Intimate Partner Violence: Violence in Interracial and Intraracial Relationships” Pp 67-85 in Interracial Relationships in the 21st Century. Edited by Earl Smith and Angela J. Hattery.
Lee, Shayne. 2010. Erotic Revolutionaries: Black Women, Sexuality, and Popular Culture.
Wise, Tim 2011. “A Bad Year for White Whine: College Scholarship and the Cult of Caucasian Victimhood” Retrieved May 2011. http://www.timwise.org/2011/03/a-bad-year-for-white-whine-college-scholarships-and-the-cult-of-caucasian-victimhood/
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